In the bustling halls of the BRAC Centre Inn, as policymakers, academics and civil society representatives gathered for the conference 'Rupture, Reform and Reimagining Democracy', one voice cut through the familiar chatter of political promises: Rehman Sobhan.

The eminent economist and Chairman of the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) did not mince words about the interim government's plan to hold a referendum on 38 reform proposals. "It is essentially a non-serious proposition," he said.

For Rehman Sobhan, the idea that ordinary citizens could meaningfully answer "yes" or "no" to a labyrinth of technical reforms-many of which remain opaque to the public-reflects a deeper malaise in Bangladesh's approach to systemic change. "It feels like a cosmetic arrangement. Perhaps it is designed to satisfy internal pressures, rather than respond to the real political reality," he added.

Reform as a Process, Not a Plebiscite

The CPD chairman emphasised that meaningful reform cannot be compressed into an 18-month window of an interim administration. Legislation, parliamentary debate, and implementation require the steady hand of an elected government with a full term to enact change. Yet, as the country heads towards another election, Rehman noted an unsettling silence from the major political players.

"The revealed preference of the main players is that no one is talking about reform," he observed. Instead, the burden of advocacy has shifted to academics, NGOs, and civil society groups-a task easier said than done in a fragmented sector.

Debunking the Myth of Political Settlement

Rehman Sobhan is equally critical of what he describes as the long-standing myth of political settlement in Bangladesh. For him, the notion that the country has ever enjoyed a genuine, inclusive political understanding is misleading.

"If there had been a settlement, you wouldn't have had the BNP in the wilderness for 17 years, you wouldn't have had August 2004, and you wouldn't have had the subsequent monarchy practised by Sheikh Hasina through absolute rule," he said.

For a real political settlement, Rehman Sobhan argued, there must be an understanding among principal actors about the rules of engagement-one that moves away from a winner-takes-all mentality toward inclusivity. Participation should not carry the risk of imprisonment, disappearance, or political elimination.

"The challenge now is identifying those capable of disrupting democracy and finding ways to re-accommodate them within the political system," he said, hinting at the country's increasingly complex political landscape that extends beyond the traditional two-party framework.

Civil Society, Parliament, and a Fragile Hope

Talking about civil society, Rehman Sobhan painted a picture of a sector that is fragmented, silo-driven, and vulnerable to co-option. "Civil society has become shaped by financing dynamics, making individual institutions easier to co-opt or demonise."

Yet amid this critique, he allowed a glimmer of cautious optimism. Bangladesh could, for the first time in over half a century, see a peaceful and competitive election followed by a functional parliament. But, he warned, such hopes hinge on a strong lower house.

"The real problem is how to make the lower house work. You cannot have a working upper house with a failed lower house," he said, underscoring the foundational nature of parliamentary reform.

The takeaway from Rehman Sobhan's remarks was clear, as he said democracy in Bangladesh cannot be reimagined with cosmetic gestures or truncated timelines, since it requires patience, inclusivity and above all, the political will.

The BRAC Institute of Governance and Development organised the event.